Contents: WEATHERING THE CRISIS • MEETING THE CHALLENGE • PROJECTS • Protecting Human Rights • Defending The Frontline States • Freedom for Namibia? • Sanctions and Divestment • Aiding Apartheid Victims • RESEARCH AND EDUCATION • Information for Action • Publications • MEMBERSHIP AND FUNDRAISING • HUMAN RIGHTS • NAMIBIA • FRONTLINE STATES • SANCTIONS AND DIVESTMENT • THE AFRICA FUND • General and Administrative • 1988 Financial Results • Trustees • Advisory Committee • The report says the apartheid government entered 1988 confident it could crush all opposition at home and force the people of neighboring countries to comply with its demands. Inside...
Contents: WEATHERING THE CRISIS • MEETING THE CHALLENGE • PROJECTS • Protecting Human Rights • Defending The Frontline States • Freedom for Namibia? • Sanctions and Divestment • Aiding Apartheid Victims • RESEARCH AND EDUCATION • Information for Action • Publications • MEMBERSHIP AND FUNDRAISING • HUMAN RIGHTS • NAMIBIA • FRONTLINE STATES • SANCTIONS AND DIVESTMENT • THE AFRICA FUND • General and Administrative • 1988 Financial Results • Trustees • Advisory Committee • The report says the apartheid government entered 1988 confident it could crush all opposition at home and force the people of neighboring countries to comply with its demands. Inside South Africa, arbitrary rule intensified under a continuing state of emergency, church headquarters were bombed and tens of thousands of people were imprisoned. South African troops were operating deep inside Angola, and its surrogates were mutilating villagers and abducting children in Mozambique. Freedom for Namibia seemed a distant goal. Yet by year's end, the people of southern Africa had forced crucial concessions from apartheid's rulers: South African troops left Angola in defeat, there was the promise of elections and independence for Namibia, and in South Africa new organizations and leadership renewed the struggle each time the state took what it believed to be the final action against all resistance. The report quotes Congressman Charles Rangel and Congressman William Gray. The report also discusses corporate research, SWAPO, Nelson Mandela, the United Democratic Front (UDF), the Detainees' Parents Support Committee (DPSC), bannings, anti-apartheid organizations, the American Committee on Africa (ACOA), South African newspapers, South African refugee children, the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (SOMAFCO), the Unlock Apartheid' Jails campaign, death row, the Sharpeville 6, Theresa Ramashamolo, Mojalefa Sefatsa, Oupa Dinisa, Reid Mokoena, Duma Khumalo, Francis Mokhetsi, international pressure, P.W. Botha, the U.S. Consulate in Johannesburg, Reverend Jesse Jackson, MNR, UNITA, Projects Director Rob Jones, the Stetasonic A.F.R.I.C.A. video, Jonas Savimbi, Mayor Andrew Young, Mayor Richard Arrington, Mrs. Myrtle Evers, Medger Evers, Sam Nujoma, the New York Times, the Council on Foreign Relations, Canaan Baptist Church, hospital workers, Local 1199, Dateline: Namibia, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA), U.S. capital, technology, the House of Representatives Africa Sub-Committee, tax credits for U.S. companies doing business in South Africa, Mobil Oil, the Unified List, Dade County, Iowa Legal Services, Control Data, Governor Michael Dukakis, David Dinkins, the African National Congress (ANC), "South Africa Now," the United Auto Workers (UAW), Moses Mayekiso, churches, the Carter Center, former President Jimmy Carter, the "Sun City" record, Artists United Against Apartheid, Philips High School in Birmingham, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Tilden LeMelle, and Jennifer Davis.
